Prof. Bryan Caplan
bcaplan@gmu.edu
http://www.bcaplan.com
Econ 812
Week 9: Asymmetric
Information
I.
Moral Hazard
A.
In the real world, everyone is not equally in the dark. In every situation, some people usually know
more than others. Economists refer to this
as asymmetric information. If
information is not only imperfect but also asymmetric, inefficient outcomes may
be the consequence.
B.
Simple case: moral hazard. It is
efficient to insure risk-averse agents, but the insured normally knows more
about the risks he undertakes than the insurer.
Examples:
1.
Auto insurance
2.
Employment contracts (risk-averse workers want constant wage, but apply
little effort without performance-based pay)
C.
Thus, once you insure a risk-averse agent, they may want to take
additional risks. To cope with
such opportunism, agents have to choose a mix of two sub-optimal outcomes:
1.
Less-than-full insurance
2.
Inefficient risk-taking
D.
Example: Insurance deductibles.
E.
Of course, you can often infer behavior from outcomes. If you can do so perfectly, then information
asymmetries make little difference. But
usually inferences from behavior to outcomes are less than perfect, so the
moral hazard problem persists to some degree.
F.
Moral hazard is not, however, an efficiency problem if agents are
risk-neutral. A risk-neutral CEO, for
example, could simply buy all of the stock of his firm and become the sole
proprietor. Then he would exert
management effort if and only if the expected gain exceeded the expected effort
cost.
G.
Furthermore, contractually arranged "punishments" may be able
to mitigate or even eliminate moral hazard problems. In particular, if the less-informed can pay
to observe the more-informed, then they can enforce good behavior at a low cost
with random monitoring and threats of severe punishment.
II.
Adverse Selection
A.
A more complex form of asymmetric information is known as adverse
selection. Basic idea: You know your own
characteristics, but others treat you based on the average
characteristics of people who superficially resemble you.
B.
So if you are above average, you may decide that the market does
not make participation worth your while.
If enough above average people think this way, the whole market can
"unravel"!
C.
Simple example. Suppose that
true company values are uniformly distributed from 0 to 100. Each company is worth 50% more in the hands
of the buyer than it is in the hands of the seller. But sellers know their company's value, while
buyers only know averages. What happens?
D.
Suppose you, the buyer, bid 50. Then anyone whose company is worth between 0
and 50 sells. The average company sold,
therefore, is worth 25*1.5=37.5 to you.
You have to pay 50 to for an average payout of 37.5.
E.
What happens in equilibrium? The
market price falls to 0, and the whole market disappears.
1.
Note how different the outcome is with symmetric information.
F.
Of course, the effect of adverse selection could be less severe. If the companies were worth twice at much to
buyers as to sellers, there is no effect at all. If half the companies are worth 50 and half
are worth 100, then the buyer offers 50, and half of the mutually beneficial
potential deals work out.
G.
The implications of adverse selection are often poorly understood. Take the used car market. The argument is not that asymmetric
information allows car sellers to cheat or "take advantage of" car
buyers. On average, buyers still benefit
from whatever purchases they make. The
efficiency problems stem from the exchanges that don't happen because
buyers can't distinguish good cars from bad.
H.
Adverse selection is probably economists' favorite argument for
insurance regulation - most credibly, for regulations requiring everyone to buy
insurance.
I.
This is analogous in the previous example to forcing everyone to
sell. Then buyers pay 50, sellers with
value of 50 or less gain, and sellers with value of more than 50 lose. But the dollar losses of the last group will
be much less than the dollar gains of the first two groups.
J.
Economists rarely notice, however, that many insurance regulations are
designed to make adverse selection worse!
Many regulations specifically forbid insurers from conditioning premia
on buyer characteristics. States often
subsidize car insurance for reckless drivers, or force insurers to cover them
at a loss. Medical insurers are often
barred from denying coverage to customers with "pre-existing
conditions."
K.
A couple of recent empirical studies find little evidence of adverse
selection. Two takes on this:
1.
Insurance companies actually know more about you than you do about yourself. They have the actuarial tables. You don't.
2.
More conscientious people both take fewer risks and are more likely to
buy insurance.
3.
A paper in the Rand Journal theoretically
models "advantageous" (or "propitious") selection.
L.
Free-market defense example.
III.
Signaling, I
A.
Some Puzzles
1.
Why does non-job-related schooling still raise your income? ("What does this have to do with real life?")
2.
Why won't people buy goods without a warrantee?
3.
Why do you use nice paper on a job application?
4.
Why do you (sometimes) have to wear a suit to work?
5.
Why are wedding rings so expensive?
6.
Why do countries have tons of weapons they never intend to use?
7.
Why do male peacocks have such huge tails?
B.
A popular way to resolve these paradoxes goes under the heading of
"signaling." Basic
assumptions:
C.
Assumption #1: There are different "types" of people and
firms: able and unable, smart and dumb, honest and dishonest, hard-working and
lazy...
D.
Assumption #2: It is difficult to observe "types"
directly. (Asymmetric information).
E.
Assumption #3: However: different types (may) have different costs
(lower disutility) of performing the same observable
activity.
1.
Smart and hard-working people find it easier to do schoolwork.
2.
Lazy people find it more costly to take extra effort with an application.
3.
Honest firms find it cheap to provide warrantees.
F.
Therefore: It may be in the interest of the type in higher demand to go
to school, fill out an application with extra care, provide
a warrantee, etc. - even if the effort
itself does NOTHING for buyer or seller!
People only want what the effort proves you already had in the first
place.
IV.
Signaling, II
A.
Example. Suppose there are two
kinds of workers, good and bad. Both
types are equally numerous. Good workers
are worth $100 k to me; bad workers are worth $25 k to me. It costs good workers $25 k to complete
school, but $50 k for bad workers to do so.
I can tell if a worker finished school, but cannot observe their quality
directly. Workers can earn 50% of their
value to me if they choose to be self-employed.
B.
In any equilibrium:
1.
I, the employer, must maximize profits.
2.
Good workers must not want to look like bad workers.
3.
Bad workers must not want to look like good workers.
C.
What happens?
1.
There are many obviously silly strategies, like paying all workers the
same regardless of education.
2.
In equilibrium, though, we should expect only good workers to be
educated. So good workers have to be
offered at least $75 k, and bad workers at least $12.5 k, or else they turn to
self-employment.
3.
But offering the lowest wages necessary to prevent self-employment
can't be an equilibrium either, because at those
wages, bad workers would want to be educated.
4.
To deter them, I would have to raise uneducated wages up to $25 k. Can anyone propose a better strategy from my
point of view than this one, where I make an average of $12.5 k per
worker? If not, we have a NE.
D.
Note the deadweight costs: Expected surplus per worker is $31.25 k, but
realized surplus is only $18.75 k. The
other $12.5 k is a deadweight cost of signaling.
1.
Sometimes, though, a costless cash transfer - like a money-back guarantee - can be
an effective signal. It is cheaper for
an honest firm to give refunds than a dishonest firm.
E.
Signaling models have been used to analyze a variety of real-world situations.
1.
Education
2.
Health care?
3.
Funerals
F.
Question: If signaling is a deadweight cost, could government action
make matters more efficient?
G.
Answer: Yes - government could tax
the signal. Then everyone could get e.g.
half as much education and still get the same job offers.
V.
The Winner's Curse
A.
Imagine there is a second-price auction with N participants. (In a second-price auction, the winner pays
the bid of the second-highest bidder).
B.
Every bidder has RE about the true value of the item being auctioned. Thus, each estimates its value at Vi=V+
ei, where V is the true value and ei~N(0,s2).
C.
Since your estimate is unbiased, it seems sensible to simply bid your
estimate. (Indeed, this seems like a
weakly dominant strategy. Can you see
why?)
D.
In fact, though, this strategy is likely to be disastrous. Why?
Even though the average estimation error equals 0, the average winning
estimation error is positive.
Conditional on winning, then, you can expect to have over-estimated the
item's value.
E.
This is known as the "winner's curse." The more serious your error, the more likely
you are to win; if you win, you are likely to have made a serious error.
F.
If the Vi's were all common
knowledge, you could simply take the average to solve this problem.
G.
Even when you only know your own Vi,
however, there is an obvious solution: underbid! If the winner normally over-estimates the
true value by 20%, bid only 80% of your estimate. Then if you win, you won't expect to be
burned.
VI.
Efficiency Implications of Asymmetric Imperfect Information
A.
Symmetric imperfect information has no efficiency implications.
B.
If all market agents are equally informed, but the government knows
more, the government can simply publicly reveal what it knows. There is no need to do more.
C.
Asymmetric information sometimes has efficiency implications, as
we have seen.
D.
Even when market outcomes are inefficient, government may be unable to
improve matters.
1.
Moral hazard
E.
In many cases where government could improve matters, actual
regulations do the opposite.
1.
Limiting contractual punishment
2.
Restricting risk-adjusted premiums
3.
Subsidizing education