HoWon Jeong
As peace
negotiations have resulted in the settlement of intrastate violence and wars
over the last decade, several societies have been going through difficult phases
of post-conflict reconstruction. Negotiated settlement of long-term conflict
brings about new challenges as well as opportunities for social transformation.
The demand to rebuild divided societies emerging from serious long-term conflict
is overwhelming, and recent efforts reflect the complex nature of the process
of peace building.
Peacebuilding
involves a process comprised of various functions and roles. It often entails
a wide range of sequential activities, proceeding from cease-fire, refugee resettlement
to economic reconstruction and the advancement of human rights. The end of violent
conflict has to be accompanied by rebuilding physical infrastructure and the
restoration of essential government functions that provide basic social services.
In the long run, stability cannot be achieved without the participation of former
adversaries in a democratic political process and socio-economic reform.
The
dynamics of peace building are affected by dialectic human interactions and
perceptions as well as the social environment. It takes time to overcome both
psychological and structural obstacles resulting from protracted conflict locked
in vicious cycles of confrontation. Social reconstruction, rehabilitation and
reconciliation are essential elements that make a peace process durable and
sustainable (Galtung, 1998).
In spite
of its relatively short history, there has been a growing interest in research
on the conduct of existing peace building operations, especially since the mid-1990s,
among policy makers and scholars. United Nations agencies, the World Bank, the
Organisation of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and other international
agencies created special units that deal with post-conflict reconstruction while
Western governments have contributed to peace keeping operations and development
aid for societies recovering from violent conflict.
Scholarly
interest has led to a proliferation of literature on different aspects of peace
building (Amadiume and An-Na'im, 2000; Kumar, 1998; Harris, 1999; Morphet, 1998;
Pugh, 2000; Rothstein, 1999; Sorenson, 1998; the United Nations, 1996; Walter,
1999). Research has also concentrated on peace building experiences in Angola,
the former Yugoslavia, Cambodia, Congo, El Salvador, Mozambique, Somalia, Sudan,
South Africa, and other countries individually or as a group (Anstee, 1996;
Arnson, 1999; Chan and Vanancio, 1998; Lisee, 2000; Parris, 1997; Marks, 2000;
Mockaitis, 1999; Synge, 1997; Vuckovic, 1999; Wood, 2000). However, an understanding
of the diverse aspects of peace building has yet to be integrated in a manner
that helps assess whether and how the wide variety of new experiences have accomplished
the task of consolidating peace.
Every
peace process is not the same, especially in considering divergence in inherent
conflict situations (e.g., the impact of intensity and level of violence in
inter-group relations on transformative dynamics). However, overall conceptual
and analytical approaches can be suggested to identify steps and actions for
bringing about harmonious relations between former adversaries and reconstructing
post-conflict societies. In enhancing our understanding of the strategies necessary
for lasting peace, we need to look at how different dimensions of peace building
can contribute to behavioural changes and structural transformation.
This
paper suggests that the analysis of the complex processes of peace building
has to go beyond an institutional framework. Most reconstruction programs rely
heavily on a pluralistic model of democratic institution building and economic
recovery through free market oriented policies. It is often assumed that a peace
building process ends with the establishment of a new government along with
the introduction of economic recovery packages. Little analysis has been made
of how democratic institution building and political transition are undermined
by the lack of social and economic foundations. While establishing a stable
political structure at the centre is no doubt important, not enough attention
has been paid to communal social space where daily transactions take place for
survival.
Peace
building approaches oriented toward re-establishing the existing status quo
are not likely to lead to social transformation. The current focus on mere restoration
of order has serious limitations. Existing political and economic structures
can be an obstacle to overcoming imbalances between groups. The strategies have
to be more geared toward modifying social structures and processes associated
with these imbalances.
Policy
responses have been mostly prepared by donor agencies, and packages of specific
implementation programmes have been formulated without much consideration of
the particular circumstances of a recipient society. The institutionalised approaches
are not often adequate to meet the specific needs and diverse interests of women,
children, the elderly, and people with a marginalised social and economic status.
These programmes have neither fully comprehended the meaning of their activities,
nor their potential impact. What has not been properly investigated is the contribution
that grassroots initiatives, introduced at a community level, can make toward
establishing a peace structure and culture.
Understanding
the effectiveness of different elements of peace building is enhanced by examining
how security, political, social and economic components support each other in
rebuilding the fabric of divided societies. In doing so, this paper begins with
the investigation of major assumptions, objectives and conditions under which
peace building proceeds and has been implemented. Then it explains confidence
building measures, political transition, protection of human rights, reconciliation,
social rehabilitation and development. The analysis in the paper illustrates
past and current experiences of peace building and, when appropriate, suggests
areas which require reconsideration of existing strategies and approaches.
Dynamics, Behavioural and Structural Dimensions
The
task of peace builders in Bosnia, Kosovo, Liberia, Cambodia, El Salvador, Guatemala
and other post-civil war societies is to confront unique psychological and ethical
situations derived from a conflict system. Even with a negotiated settlement,
shooting, bombing, shelling and other types of violence do not stop immediately.
Given the tangible and imminent nature of violence or threats of violence, physical
safety is obviously an important concern. In addition, the end of an internal
war poses many social problems such as disputes over ownership rights to properties.
The pain around the conflict remains evident and serves as an obstacle to a
return to normal life. Thus, overcoming physical, mental and emotional challenges
remains an important concern for those who have to rebuild their own societies.
Peace
building operations are, in a technical sense, charged with monitoring or implementing
a negotiated settlement between two or more hostile parties' (Bertram, 1995,
p. 388). In practice, post-conflict peace building starts when conflict has
been controlled to the degree that normal social activities can be resumed,
and reconstruction of violence-torn societies becomes possible. As intense violence
becomes less visible, conditions for longer-term political and social stability
take root. The control of violence at an interpersonal and inter-communal level
is thus a prerequisite to establishing a constructive relationship.
Conflict
does not disappear in many social circumstances, and its proper management is
an important task in transforming adversarial relationships. To prevent the
disruption of a peace process, a cease-fire and other agreed upon peace settlement
measures have to be observed, and, under certain circumstances, may have to
be enforced. On the other hand, peace building 'is not a therapy' 'to impose
on an unwilling patient', and cannot be achieved by a mere dependence on violence
control methods. Trust and confidence building measures have to be taken in
order to induce cooperation and produce positive attitudes that create a better
atmosphere for the peaceful settlement of differences.
Whereas
progress in peace building relies on the improvement in inter-communal relationships,
repairing relationships at a psychological level has often been suggested without
examining possible sources of injustice. Changes in perceptions promoted by
education and reconciliation have to be followed by structural reform that prevents
the dominant relationships in the future. It is too optimistic to believe that
a few training workshops and facilitated dialogue sessions, designed for reconciliation
activities, can break the cycle of violence.
The
failure to provide solutions to the root causes of the problems that caused
the war creates new dynamics in a continuing search for peace in a divided society.
Although the operating goal of peace building has been considered in terms of
averting the revival of a violent conflict brought under control, it should
not be understood as a mere short-term conflict prevention strategy. With its
requirement to gradually create conditions that will ensure that there is no
reason to resort to destructive means again, peace building is a long-term activity
going beyond the immediate imperative of stopping the gun.
To prevent
the recurrence of violence, the root causes have to be tackled by structural
transformation. Thus, a long-term strategy is aimed at addressing 'the principal
political, economic, social and ethnic imbalances that led to conflict in the
first place'. Peace building can be generally characterised in terms of supporting
'structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid
relapse into conflict' (Boutros-Ghali, 1995, p. 32). A broad scope of structural
change has to follow the agreement on the key issue of reforms.
Dynamics Whereas dynamics of conflict resolution have to be extended
to a comprehensive and durable peace process, implementing the agreements may
not necessarily be linear, nor orderly and may not guarantee an expected outcome.
In some post-conflict settlement processes, continued hostilities and mistrust
ended with renewed fighting, and efforts to reach another settlement had to
be made. For instance, an agreement between contending groups in Liberia in
September 1995 did not end the chaos but led to renewed war. The renegotiations
of new terms finally resulted in the election and creation of a new government
in 1997. The entire process caused unnecessary human costs.
Although
it is not easy to bring adversarial parties in a communal conflict to the negotiation
table, or to help them reach an agreement, it is an equally formidable task
to ensure that the parties maintain their commitment to abiding by the agreement.
During the period of the operationalisation of a formal accord, intense uncertainty
and struggle exist over the scope and pace of prescribed reform. There are different
expectations, feelings of insecurity, and a lack of established political procedures
and normative standards. By generating continuing suspicion, an unpredictable
atmosphere for the future makes community cooperation difficult. The implementation
of a peace process is often delayed by continuing mutual distrust. In El Salvador,
lack of progress in the land transfer programme provoked halting a phased disarmament
by Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) in October 1992.
Negotiation
does not necessarily produce an outcome that brings about a balanced relationship.
In addition, a conflict settlement process would not be able to address all
the underlying issues reflecting critical dimensions in the adversarial relationship.
Peace agreements can unravel if the parties come to the conclusion that it is
no longer in their interests to abide by the agreements (Hampson, 1996, p. 3).
Thus, new issues related to the implementation of a peace agreement as well
as old issues underlying adversarial relationships have an impact on a post-conflict
settlement process. Since the residue of anger and hatred has to be overcome
in developing a collaborative working relationship, the restructuring of relationships
has to go along with the implementation of specific agreements.
The
stated goals of peace agreements may well reflect compromised solutions at the
negotiation table, but may contradict the demands of various group members.
In most instances, peace accords result from concluding new pacts at the elite
level, and concerns of various elements in civil society are not often incorporated
in making compromise deals. The agreements opposed by extreme factions on each
side, as has been well demonstrated in the effort to build a new Palestinian/Israeli
relationship, do not themselves provide a guarantee for successful implementation,
if the extremists attempt to destroy progress with violent tactics.
In a
nutshell, peace agreements are not the end of an old conflict since they 'sometimes
contain their own seeds of destruction'. Political crisis can be generated in
the process of implementing mandates. Restrictive provisions may bring about
disputes over cheating. Too rigid terms for settlement can easily re-ignite
inter-communal fighting. Therefore, attempts for overly strict implementation
of the agreement make a flexible adjustment of peace plans to unpredictable
situations difficult. The terms of settlement are often renegotiated during
an implementation process, given that foot-dragging practices and broken promises
are common. Most importantly, the post-accord process has to be adjusted to
respond to the concerns of new stakeholders and expand the constituents.
Commitments and Motivations A lack of genuine commitments makes the
transition to peaceful relations very difficult. The long civil war in Angola,
which traces back to the struggle for independence from Portugal in 1975, suggests
how difficult it is to bring about stability. The brutal phase of Angola's armed
conflict continued with the rejection of the election victory of the incumbent
government by the opposing National Union for the Total Independence of Angola
(UNITA) guerrilla forces and its resumption of insurgency. Control of destructive
forces such as the Khmer Rouge was an important factor in the Cambodian peace
process.
The
warring factions do not suddenly change their behaviour after peace agreements.
The need of peace enforcement can be assessed in terms of the degree of the
commitments from various parties. The continued intolerance of other groups
can be a good indicator of renewed violence, and preventive deployment of forces
might be necessary. Thus, the promise of nonviolent problem solving has to be
carefully assessed with the evolution of new situations. The commitments will
be weak if the parties do not have enough stake in the peace process (Jett,
2000, p. 52). The fragile process may break down without external support.
Despite
the involvement of difficult and costly military operations, peace enforcement
functions have been deployed to dispel continued opposition. This is especially
the case when political institutions and norms do not exist to regulate behaviour
of the parties. In Bosnia where extreme nationalists and war criminals attempted
to obstruct a peace process, the deployment of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
(NATO) troops served as an instrument of coercive diplomacy, and it has fulfilled
the enforcement function.
A more
desirable and successful settlement of violent conflict relies on the commitment
of warring parties to determine their future at political forums but not through
military tactics. Rules and strategies for games of survival during peacetime
are different from those of wartime when planning was inevitably focused on
immediate survival. In order to establish rules of peaceful competition for
power, losers may have to be persuaded and pressed to accept the outcome of
implementing their agreements.
As
those who benefit from the status quo want to maintain privileges, some form
of serious confrontations is inevitable. However, engagement in a process of
peace building has to represent a serious indication that a dominant party does
not simply impose its will or eliminate the other side while a weaker party
is committed to the pursuit of nonviolent structural transformation. Even though
demands for change made by a weaker party are not often met, peace agreements
should help provide a framework for continued efforts to transform unjust relations.
The goal of peace building needs to be formulated by a shared vision arising
from mutual understanding and the collaborative spirit of problem solving.
Mechanisms to Resolve Differences Re-negotiation of the process to settle
differences is required due to many unresolved issues on the road to the creation
of political institutions and economic reform. Given that failure to identify
and manage incompatible positions is likely to bring setbacks to the process,
there has to be continued confidence in resolving conflict peacefully with a
concrete package of mutual commitments and undertakings. As negotiations rather
than threats and intimidation have to be a principal norm to guide behaviour,
a mechanism to sort out opposing interests is crucial in dealing with ambiguities
and confusion surrounding the implementation of agreements.
In the
implementation of peace plans, peace making (often referred to as a negotiated
method of resolving conflict) is complementary to peace building in that the
former helps opposing parties reach an agreement on the common tasks of peace
building. By being engaged in overcoming fragmentation and reducing animosities,
peace making contributes to the successful implementation of peace building
plans. Differences arising from ambiguities in interpreting the previous agreement
have to be resolved by group facilitation, mediation, arbitration or bilateral
negotiation (Bercovitch and Jackson, 1997). Peace making can be introduced to
the design of post-conflict peace building mechanisms at various levels (Druckman,.
1997).
A nation-wide
network of peace structure contributes to mitigating widespread political violence
in deeply divided societies. As happened in the post-conflict settlement of
several Central American countries, the implementation of peace accords can
be overseen by national and local peace commissions comprised of various warring
factions. After the peace agreement was reached in El Salvador, both the progress
and problems of the peace process were discussed by a National Commission for
the Consolidation of Peace (COPAZ) whose members included two government representatives
and two FMLN members as well as representatives from each party in the Legislative
Assembly.
Cooperative
relations can be solidified through consultative mechanisms of dialogue and
understanding by preventing a fragile settlement process from easily dissolving
into a renewed outbreak of violence. Conciliation commissions representing various
groups can be set up in countries experiencing serious ethnic tensions. They
provide an impartial forum for the peaceful expression of majority-minority
conflicts. These mechanisms are used to investigate potential or actual incidents
and hold pubic hearings on community problems that generate inter-group animosity.
Beyond a Liberal Democratic Model In re-establishing the fundamental
rules of state governance, formal democratic institutions, which ended long-term
armed conflict, have been introduced to divided societies. The recent practice
is based on the notion that democratic procedures and free market economies
would prevent violence. Reform for democratic institution building mostly focuses
on establishing rules for political representation through elections. Formal
institutions and rules stress procedures rather than the substantive outcomes
of political competition without significant consideration of fundamental social
issues.
The
model reflects the dominant expectation that ethnic identities would gradually
be eroded by the adoption of more universalistic values. The individual is supposed
to be liberated from dependence on traditional societal structures, and rewards
would be granted according to the universal and objective criteria of individual
performance regardless of ethic or racial ties. The needs and aspirations of
individuals would become similar under the impact of not only new institutions
but also a common, urban, industrial, secular culture. Individual identities
are rather related to state citizenship.
Liberal
democracy, serving as a normative model in post-conflict state building, has
been applied without considering the empirical context of its applications.
A liberal political model has been especially inadequate in addressing deeper
causes and consequences of communitarian violence reflecting socioeconomic cleavages,
internal colonisation, regional grievances, failure of assimilation, and cultural
oppression (Lipschutz, 1998, p. 7). In protracted communal strife, social divisions
along ethnic, religion and class lines are further deepened by self-sustaining
patterns of hostility and violence. The process of transforming the dynamics
of intrastate conflict is not separated from a social/historical trend toward
a demand for greater group autonomy.
Management
and regulation of conflict are affected by existing social realities that contradict
political pluralism in which success relies on the assumption that power is
distributed among a plethora of interest groups. In a functioning pluralistic
democracy, political institutions have to channel demands articulated by interest
groups. The process of interest aggregation and its translation into policy
matters by political parties is difficult in societies that lack not only a
culture of political tolerance and compromise but also associations organised
to defend specific interests. In addition, formal institutionalisation of a
political process does not necessarily guarantee genuine expression of people's
interests if the process is dominated by a few who have capacity to monopolise
power.
Overall,
democratisation must be responsive to people's perspectives and interests, allowing
their increased influence, as well as implying decentralisation of state power
with representations of various groups and regions. Equally importantly, it
should involve the emergence of horisontal relations at a local level so that
a few elites and dominant groups do not monopolise power and resources (Soerensen,
1998, p. 17). In addition, this process has to be complementary to people-centred
development, being considered in the context of a specific local culture and
traditions.
Justice and Peace Peace being dissociated from social justice,
does not address the fundamental structural causes of war (Jeong, 2000). Post-conflict
reconstruction faces the deep social inequalities that are common in (and endemic
to) many divided and impoverished countries. Political instability is inherent
in the failure to reduce gross inequalities and in the lack of policies on poverty
reduction. Formal methods of representation and institutional procedures can
be a contentious issue without addressing power differentials among social groups
and classes. The development of people's capacity to influence social structures
and political processes has to go hand in hand with empowerment of the marginal
sectors of society.
Durable
peace could not be achieved without 'the establishment of local, state, regional
and international systems of procedural and distributive justice which are responsive
to basic needs (Peck, 1996, p. 74). Procedural and distributive justice can
be complementary to each other in the way that participatory mechanisms allow
identity groups to express their needs and grievances in a constructive manner.
In addition, forming political entities of multiethnic and multicultural configurations
would require respect for greater autonomy and diversity. Dominant groups need
to be convinced that their own long-term security interests are served by the
promotion of a just society.
Linking Short-Term to Long-Term Processes
Timetables
have to consider the links between short-term crisis management plans and long-term
strategies for sustainable community building. Some programmes are designed
to meet the immediate physical and material needs of local populations. At the
same time, most settlement agreements need to have schedules for a cease-fire
and the subsequent demobilisation of armed combatants flexibly adjusted to the
needs for security arrangements. Despite meeting the immediate goal of maintaining
fragile peace, future conflict could erupt again without reconstruction and
reconciliation. It will take more time to see the effects of such programmes
on changes in culture and behaviour (Lumsden, 1999).
Demobilisation
of regular and militia forces and the creation of safe zones are critical initial
steps to the stabilisation of a volatile situation at the early stages of a
peace settlement. Short-term crisis intervention is necessary with the recognition
of any sign of tension between groups. Demobilisation and integration of guerrilla
forces into a newly reformed army had to proceed before moving to the next step
for successful settlement in El Salvador, Namibia, and Mozambique. Halting violence
and maintaining a cease-fire may be enough to create a stable security environment
at the initial stage, but it has to feed into a new political process as well.
Short-term
strategies also have to consider an effective response to the emergent material
needs of devastated communities. Humanitarian aid can focus on health, education
and other social programs designed to meet urgent basic necessities. Without
humanitarian aid and assistance, post-conflict society faces difficult conditions
that prevent an easy return to normal life. The targets of relief work can be
refugees and displaced people who have such needs as physical safety, family
reunion, the supply of water, food, shelters, and medical treatment.
A short-term
emergency response has to be followed by resource mobilisation, professional
training and restoration of administrative functions. Shattered social services
such as health, nutrition, and education have to be revived with the rehabilitation
of damaged school buildings and hospital equipment. In the intermediate term,
it is crucial to reform government institutions, restore law and order, establish
new local administrative structures, and train the personnel necessary to preserve
them. The administration and supervision of fair elections precedes the formation
of a functioning government. The political process ultimately has to move on
to the integration of formerly warring factions into a new political structure,
and the protection of human rights and justice.
It is
a long process to change the psychological relationship of the parties and social
structures of conflict. Peace building following long armed conflicts is implemented
in a complex social situation, and it requires multidimensional responses. Activities
designed for long-term goals have to be able to regenerate themselves for transforming
the cycle of conflictual behaviour. Projects for reconciliation and civil society
building require transformative perspectives. The main task of reconstruction
is to help local communities become self-reliant. Peace building lays the foundation
for durable communal relations with social and economic improvement as well
as reform of state institutions and political representation. Economic and social
cooperation is fostered to build confidence among former adversaries.
Reconstruction
of economic and social relations is a crucial long-term issue in failed states
such as Liberia, Somalia and Afghanistan. Strengthening civil society has been
considered mostly in terms of reforming political and legal systems. The function
of a new political system has to be compatible with the emergence of a free,
independent press and democratic civic organisations. The mere concentration
on institutional reform, however, neglects the future role of various local
communities in an informal political process. Civil society building cannot
exclude re-negotiation of gender roles in development and education. The role
of grassroots media can be utilised for exploring the voice of the margins.
Functional Interdependencies Functionally interdependent relationships
exist between various elements of peace building roles to be pursued at different
periods of time. Though primary attention has to be paid to saving lives, relief
activities also have to take into account future needs and long-term consequences
of their actions. Demilitarisation is a more urgent goal than institution building
while the former will be undermined in an unstable political environment.
Military
demobilisation, economic and political reforms are interconnected to each other
in creating stable relations between former adversaries. 'For a peace settlement
to be durable, institutions and support structures must be put in place so that
the parties are discouraged from taking up arms again' (Hampson, 1996, pp. 9-10).
Long-term development objectives cannot be achieved without building local capacity.
Development programs are difficult to implement in the presence of acute violence
and extreme insecurity (Stein, 2001). Thus, a secure environment for rebuilding
political, economic, and social structures of war-torn societies is created
by demilitarisation aimed at the control of violence.
The
major dilemma in a peace process is the clash between the need for power sharing
and the desire to confront the sources of injustice. It was difficult to expect
Khmer Rouge leaders to play a constructive role in the Cambodian peace process
given their past involvement in genocide and other crimes against humanity.
The Khmer Rouge were excluded from building a new political structure and they
were eventually eliminated by military means. In general, since the immediate
pursuit of justice endangers the settlement process, the extent of the participation
of those responsible for human rights abuses depend on a complex balance of
power and moral judgements.
Confidence Building and Demilitarisation
Normalisation
of relations is supported by confidence building measures along with the acceptance
of mutual security. Confidence building, though traditionally applied to reduction
in military forces and armaments, can help mitigate intra-state conflict situations
(Garver, 1997). The effective handling of future crises and confrontations requires
setting up clear sets of agreed norms and expectations among various groups.
Regular lines of communication among former adversaries can lead to enhancing
confidence across ethnic divides. In particular, a nonviolent expression of
interests and techniques to resolve differences also strengthens the ability
to constructively manage conflict.
By making
each other's motives transparent, confidence building reduces risks of renewed
fighting resulting from miscalculation, miscommunication, and misunderstanding
of intentions. Since misjudgement often provokes violent conflict, open discussion
to clarify the issues and the exchange of information, in themselves, contribute
to tension reduction. An atmosphere of trust is produced by demonstrating that
the groups have no hostile intentions nor plan to make a surprise attack.
Mistrust and misperception cannot be eliminated when adversaries are armed.
Suspicion in a political process exists when either or both of the parties refuse
to put down their arms. Failure of demobilisation in Angola led to the destruction
of the entire process. The situation in Cambodia was destabilised by the inability
for complete demobilisation. The lack of a disarmament policy in Somalia created
significant challenges to peace enforcement missions by the UN peace keeping
forces, making their eventual withdrawal inevitable.
Given
that eruption of violence plays a destructive role in restoring confidence,
introduction of confidence building measures at the early stage of peace building
is desirable. The first step in the transition from war to building new relationships
starts with disarmament and demilitarisation, which reduce the ability of adversaries
to attack each other. The ability and desire to renew fighting are not reduced
without the elimination of destructive capacities. Independent monitoring systems
can be used to observe and report any breach of agreement that might have a
risk of rearmament. The reduction and disbanding of opposing forces must be
carefully monitored with verification procedures such as on-site inspection
and observation.
Mutual
confidence building among former adversaries with the elimination of weapons
reduces the risk of turning renewed hostilities into violent battles. The slow
and ineffective implementation of the disarmament plan agreed upon in the 1995
Abuja peace accord among Liberian warring factions, made the deployment of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) peacekeeping forces throughout
the country difficult. War erupted again after the joint forces of Taylor and
Kromah expelled the Johnson faction from the interim government. ECOWAS Cease-Fire
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) failed to stop violence, including looting in the
capital in the course of the April 1996 crisis.
Such
demilitarisation programs as demining (removing land mines), demobilisation
and re-integration of ex-combatants into productive sectors of society are critical
to creating a sustainable security environment. These programs have to be able
to provide safety at individual and group levels. Through demobilisation, the
number of personnel in the army has to be reduced while former opposing armed
forces are disbanded. As new armed forces can be comprised of soldiers from
different factions, demobilisation is not separated from restructuring and reformation
of armed forces and police.
Demobilisation
also has to go along with the reintegration of former combatants into the civilian
society. Discharge of combatants without proper training programmes suitable
for community life, can increase social instability. Conversion and reduced
military spending free resources for retraining and other social programmes
while minimising the influence of the military over political process. Following
the defeat of the regime in 1991, the transition government in Ethiopia implemented
demobilisation and reintegration programmes involving national and local government
agencies and NGOs. Financing resettlement, education, employment, housing, health,
farmland and credit for ex-combatants was, to a great extent, supported by the
International Committee for the Red Cross, the World Bank and bilateral donors.
Political Transition
The
end of an armed struggle is symbolised by the participation of belligerents
in a political process through the formation of political parties and peaceful
mobilisation of their supporters. The legislative voice for supporters of former
warring parties has to be translated into their influence on government policies.
Drafting a constitution and holding regional and national elections are legal
procedures for creating new political structures.
Peaceful
transition requires the establishment of a functioning government acceptable
to different parties along with the formation of mutually agreeable expectations
and rules in inter-group dynamics. The new government ought to have a legal
basis for its rule as legitimised by elections. Suffrage is applied to everyone
regardless of his or her minority status, gender or racial differences. The
contentious issue of political legitimacy of the government both inside and
outside of the country is supposed to be solved by holding free and fair elections.
Holding
elections is only the first step toward the establishment of a functioning political
system. Political stability is not immediately brought about by elections without
stable institutional relations and consensus on political values. Most importantly,
a legislative body does not operate in the absence of political parties abiding
by democratic principles. Newly formed political parties have to adjust their
behaviour to a new process of compromise.
Although
less time for political transition reduces uncertainties, local situations have
to dictate the speed of the implementation process. The transition period can
become inevitably long especially if the new government structure has to reflect
a delicate balance between different groups. The transitional government, formed
after the overthrow of the ruling military government in Ethiopia, lasted from
1991 to 1995, given the difficult negotiations of different political interests
of the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and other insurgent forces.
In a drawn-out process of constitution making, a lengthy transition governed
by old governments can cause mistrust. In the case of South Africa, the basis
for transition was established by an interim constitution negotiated between
the white minority government and opposition groups heavily represented by the
African National Congress.
Negotiating a New Political Structure A new order needs to be negotiated
among former adversaries in creating a new system. Constitution making has to
be complementary to building a new political relationship. Given the impact
of formal institutional structures on political games, adopting an appropriate
political system is important. However, it is not always easy to find a satisfactory
political framework following many years of struggle for autonomy, independence,
and social justice. It takes long negotiation sessions and compromise to develop
a final political framework.
Minimum
consensus as to the rules concerning political competition is essential to institution
building. Constitution making served as a process of national discourse in Eritrea.
Religious, ethnic, and regional constituencies were invited for public consultation
to eschew a top-down approach. National conferences were held to discuss the
transition to multiparty democracy in South Africa. In spite of high administrative
costs, participation of a broad spectrum of society in shaping a new constitution
is more desirable since it will produce a political framework that is more durable
and widely supported. In order to encourage political participation, town and
village meetings can be organised to promote civic education and public dialogue.
Power Sharing Arrangements In divided societies, exclusive ethnic, religious,
or regional loyalties still remain obstacles in the process of institution building
(Knife and Tekle-Mikael, 1997). The state as an institution does not always
represent the general interest of the population. Concentration of power in
one group can aggravate social and political cleavages that have generated a
violent conflict. Minority concerns can be ignored by the majority favouring
an electoral system that does not have power sharing mechanisms. The system,
which allows the winner to take all, does not ensure the rights of minorities,
especially following a zero-sum contest wherein positions for both winners and
losers are sharply divided. In winner-take-all elections, the losers have incentives
to take up arms and return to violence in order to pursue their political objectives.
Voting systems need to be designed to guarantee that opposition voices are heard.
A variety
of constitutional models (power sharing at the centre and/or power delegation
to minority regions) can be suitable for different traditions and social contexts.
Political institutions can mitigate the impact of inter-group cleavages by ensuring
the autonomy of minority groups. Institutions encouraging bargaining and accommodation
are more likely to produce political stability. Coalitions can be built to undermine
inter-group rivalry in preserving national cohesion whereas the political rights
of groups, which do not belong to a ruling coalition, have to be protected.
Power
sharing can be achieved by proportional representation systems. Incentives for
cooperation in bridging group differences are provided by the proportional representation
of diverse ethnic and political groups at various levels of governments. Specific
ratios between ethnic groups for jobs in the public service, the legislature,
and the courts can be set up to reduce inter-group tension. Losers can be involved
in the new government through power-sharing schemes such as a guaranteed distribution
of administrative positions.
Ethnic
plurality is also protected by the structure of a federal government or other
types of a decentralised political system. Stability in multi-ethnic countries
derives from balanced power distribution between the centre and the region.
Delegation of power to regions and districts can ease fear of minority groups
concentrated in particular areas. Each region can be entitled to the right to
choose and teach its official language as well as a national language. Public
sector powers and tasks may be deferred to regions to give autonomy to diverse
ethnic groups. Regions determine their own administrative structures, exercise
authorised tax powers to generate revenue, and have separate police forces.
Under specified conditions, regions may also have the right to secede.
In establishing
overall structure and organisation, allocation of power between the federal
and regional governments can be a contentious issue. In South Africa, one of
the most difficult issues was centred on how much power could be delegated to
local councils. While the white population was dominated by blacks in sheer
electoral numbers, they preferred to maintain autonomy through the reduced role
of the central government, blacks who wanted redistribution of resources insisted
on a strong central government.
Various
forms of federalism, implemented in Ethiopia, Rwanda, Eritrea, and Uganda, allow
regional autonomy. In Eritrea, district and village-level assemblies and administrative
structures constituted the basis of local governance although the transition
to decentralisation was tightly managed by the government. In Ethiopia's ethnicity-based
federation, administrative responsibilities and power are devolved to regions.
Ethiopia contains about ninety distinct cultural-linguistic groups, and ethnicity
is one of the major criteria for drawing boundaries among regions. Most of these
are dominated by single ethnic groups such as Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, and Somali
while three ethnically mixed urban and other diverse areas (e.g., Southern Ethiopia
People's region) were created.
The
legislative function can be divided by two parliamentary chambers to rule out
control of the central government by the majority ethnic population. In Ethiopia,
the Council of Federation (an upper house), appointed by ethnic groups or the
councils of the regions, can be charged with interpreting the constitution and
deciding revenue sharing questions. The Council of People's Representative (a
lower house), composed of representatives elected by secret ballot every five
years, is charged with passing federal laws for the president's signature.
This
type of ethnicity-based federation, experimentally used in Ethiopia, helps dismantle
an over centralised state and has been praised as a method to prevent domination
of one ethnic group (Abbink, 1997). If it is seriously implemented, minorities
can exercise more control over their own administrative matters, culture, education,
language and local economy. However, critics say that ethnic politics fail to
protect minorities within a given region and encourage increased group divisions.
Arranging (or redrawing) new boundaries is not easy in areas where multi-ethnic
groups have lived together for generations. The arrangement is also politicising
ethnicity with exclusion, as minorities in a newly created region can be marginalised.
Institutionalised solutions through a form of decentralisation, partition or
secession will not eliminate intolerance toward minority groups left behind
in new territories. In addition, artificial segregation can exacerbate ethnic
tension over resources such as land, water and minerals.
Elections In securing power, an election is an unfamiliar process to
former antagonists to whom popularity is a less known factor than military ability.
In contending for power through elections, the ability to militarily seize power
is replaced in favour of the electorate's choice, which may give victory to
opponents. However, submission to popular will provides domestic and international
legitimacy for formerly warring parties.
The
success of election competition largely depends on the willingness of the losers
to abide by the outcome as well as the victorious party's acceptance of the
opposition party's role. Losers have to be offered a voice in the new political
process with some tangible benefits from participation in the system (symbolic
and even material). Regular elections over time at different levels of political
hierarchy give losers a continuing stake in the system. To draw compliance from
a loser, fair competition in future elections has to be guaranteed.
An outside
presence helps alleviate the distrust of all sides by bringing fairness and
security to the process. International observers are invited to oversee an election
or plebiscite in order to ensure the free, democratic conduct of election. External
election monitoring can deal with charges of fraud by documenting irregularities
and fraudulent practices (Kumar, 1998). Lack of intimidation is one of the essential
conditions for broad-based participation. Peacekeeping curbs violent efforts
to disrupt the process by offering safety to voters and reassuring the secrecy
of the ballot. Beyond monitoring, the absence of local administrative capacity
requires technical assistance in such areas as preparing electoral codes, making
voter lists, and providing personnel training. The costs of elections can be
covered by international financial assistance.
Timing
of elections is a delicate issue. In Namibia and El Salvador, free elections
were held after the complete demobilisation of forces. In Namibia, the election
was held as the UN Transition Assistance Group supervised the withdrawal of
South African forces and disbandment of civilian-armed groups. In El Salvador,
elections followed demobilisation of the FMLN as well as reduction and reconstruction
of the armed forces. This process was monitored by the UN Observer Mission in
El Salvador, which had the authority to investigate the violations.
The
disbandment and reduction of forces leaves few choices for former violent adversaries
but to accept election outcomes even when they are unfavourable to one of the
parties. On the other hand, the failure of significant force reductions before
elections offers an opportunity for one of the opposing groups to reject the
election results and re-initiate a civil war. The UN Angola Verification Mission
assisted in partial demobilisation of government and guerrilla forces, but effective
monitoring operations were not carried out due to a lack of resources and personnel.
The refusal of UNITA leader, Savimbi, to accept the election outcome, led to
the resurgence of conflict in Angola. Failure of the peace process can be attributed
to an unrealistic timetable for conducting the national elections despite the
continued existence of two rival armies.
Shortcomings of Institutional Approaches Faced with fundamental political
differences, depending only on legal/institutional approaches to democratic
development is counterproductive. In the situation where competing interests
are not easily incorporated in an election process, electoral victory may produce
uncompromising attitudes by winners. Narrow representation is a source of further
fragmentation. In the absence of a broad support base, political parties have
to appeal to one ethnic group with exclusive messages. Thus elections can further
polarise a divided society by generating more competition and animosity.
Democratic
development has to be based on social consensus regarding the system of rules
that govern the expression of political differences and competition (Griffiths,
1998). Elections and other forms of democratic institutions cannot easily operate
in socially fragmented and politically polarised societies (Ghai, 1993). Whereas
elections justify a national power structure, they do not necessarily produce
social consensus on rules. As a matter of fact, the enforcement of order can
be legitimised by legalisation of the rules of those who are responsible for
violent warfare. In the case of Liberia, for instance, the power of a former
warlord has been solidified by victory in national elections, helping eliminate
all other forms of opposition.
The design of a new political structure has to reflect cultural practice and
social experiences as well as the exploration of mechanisms to reconcile the
incompatible demands of group interests. The stability of a multi-party system
relies on an economic and social structure such as the existence of a middle
class. In addition, many ethnically divided Third World countries do not have
historical traditions that have led to the consolidation of political processes
and institutions found in Western liberal democratic societies. Overall, the
institutionalisation of democratic practice will be a long process interacting
with not only types and degrees of economic development but also the formation
of new social groups.
Social Reconstruction
Social stability would be enhanced by strengthening community networks and cultural traditions that promote peace and justice. National and community level coordination is needed for reconciliation and development. Contentious relationships can be overcome by social reconstruction designed to reduce inequalities. The notion of participation needs to be extended to the process of social and economic development. Adequate decision-making power has to be given to individuals and identity groups who previously have been alienated (Peck, 1996, p. 74).
Human Rights
Improvement
in a human rights situation is a major component in the development of civil
society. Public confidence will not be gained without a guarantee of basic political,
economic, social and cultural rights. Human rights have to confront structural
issues of social injustice and political oppression often associated with authoritarian
religious, political or military doctrines. The protection of human rights is
not separated from peace and is crucial in social reconstruction.
Serious concerns have been raised regarding human rights conditions of vulnerable
individuals and groups in peace building in Haiti, El Salvador, Cambodia, Guatemala
and Angola. Internal security forces and paramilitary groups in Central American
countries are closely connected to powerful landlords who are often responsible
for the killing of peasants who protest denial of access to land. Violence and
repression can be examined with the application of international standards adopted
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other documents.
The
continued intimidation by the military and para-military groups over civilians
sustains a climate of insecurity. In a situation where government forces are
seen as an instrument of coercion, the early promotion of human rights serves
as a trust building measure before formal settlement is reached. Restoration
of the judicial system and the administrative machinery has to be able to allay
the concerns about civil rights for refugees and displaced people. Confidence
in a new political process among the population would be gained by the protection
of human rights.
Establishing
human rights norms may start with investigating the past history of atrocities
and violation of human rights committed by the armed forces and the police.
The atmosphere for promoting communal security would not be generated without
revealing past abuses. The Human Rights Field Operation for Rwanda (HRFOR) was
undertaken under the auspices of the UN High Commission on Human Rights (UNHCR)
and administratively supported by the UN's Center for Human Rights in Geneva.
The field officers deployed in 1994 and 1995 carried out investigations into
violations of human rights specified in humanitarian law.
Human
rights situations have to continue to be monitored to prevent future human rights
violations. International teams can work with local human rights groups to enhance
the causes of justice. Human rights abuses have been observed and documented
in Cambodia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Rwanda, and Uganda by UN and NGO
monitoring missions. In the case of El Salvador, international monitoring teams
maintained contact with both government agencies and guerrilla forces in order
to investigate human rights violations and helped design new programs for armed
forces.
The
protection of human rights has to be one of the primary goals for reform of
public institutions in that injustice and oppression are still a source of social
tension and violence. State institutions have to be adapted to new standards
for future human rights guarantees. Organisations responsible for violent conflicts
have to be replaced by new institutional structures that can ensure individual
and group security and freedom. Given that local police and military forces
are not trusted to protect marginalised social groups, human rights will not
be guaranteed without the transformation of security forces involved in political
repression. The entire armed forces were demobilised in Haiti, and were drastically
reduced in El Salvador whereas paramilitary groups were disbanded. The police
forces in those countries were forced to recruit new police officials and adopt
a new organisational culture.
In considering
that war torn societies do not have adequate legal and administrative mechanisms,
human rights would not be advanced without the rehabilitation and reform of
the judiciary system and its infrastructure. Given that the absence of a fair,
powerful judicial system lends a military security apparatus unlimited license
for human rights violations, a judicial system has to be adequately established
to reinforce human rights norms. In addition, education programs for human rights
can be targeted toward military officers, law enforcement authorities, educators,
and government officials as we have seen in Cambodia, Rwanda, and El Salvador.
In Rwanda, priority was given to training judges, prosecutors, and police personnel
beyond repairing court buildings.
Reconciliation
The
network of social interaction, torn down by the deep and widespread effects
of violent conflict, cannot be healed without reconciliation. Envisioning a
new future would not be possible without acknowledging past abusive relationships.
Personal fear has to be overcome for community building since the loss of familiarity
in the routine and mistrust in others generates dysfunctional relations. Communities
tormented with repeated violence do not have a social foundation of security,
because various forms of inter-group violence destroy the realm of ordinary
life. As the severe breakdown of normal values caused by violence hampers social
integration, community stability needs to be recovered by dealing with paranoia,
blatant mistrust and irrational behaviour. The capacity to trust derives from
not only re-building confidence undermined by betrayal, apprehension, and outrage
but also re-establishing social morality (Maynard, 1997, p. 210). In the absence
of reconciliation, mutual antagonism and mistrust between adversaries would
not be eliminated by a formal political process.
Reconciliation
may start with healing psychological trauma caused by indiscriminate killing
and torture and other types of abuses. Trauma stemming from the experience of
abusive violence includes mental deprivation and loss of meaning and control
of one's own life (Montville, 1993; Rothstein, 1999). Mental vulnerability is
further exacerbated by a loss of income and a lack of social support. Helping
victims overcome trauma is an important step for regaining their individual
self-esteem. Community programs are needed to help women who were sexually assaulted
as well as others who were exposed to physical brutality and have subsequently
been experiencing psychological wounds.
Reconciliation
contributes to the return to normality by focusing on both psychological and
social needs. Compassion, the acceptance of an apology and forgiveness constitute
important dimensions of reconciliation. Psychological rehabilitation is necessary
for the social integration of victims. Personal and cultural realities shaped
by violence have an enduring impact on people's sense of life and outlook on
life. Personal healing is a prerequisite to group harmony since community cannot
be maintained without the feelings of respect and security among its members.
Restoration of honour and humanness is a reverse process of dehumanising, which
diminishes power, and respect of individuals. Equal relationships can be created
by making things right. New communal space is provided by reconciliation.
Psychological
aspects of reconciliation shed light on internal restoration related to a complex
act of consciousness (McKay, 2000). Reconciliation undertaken in the context
of a commitment to seeking forgiveness and mercy leads to the liberation of
the psyche and soul from the need for personal revenge. The main goal of forgiveness
is to overcome feelings of being victimised with the replacement of resentment,
anger and hatred by compassion. The psychological transformation of a painful
relationship springs from both transpersonal and spiritual experiences.
Recovery
from psychological trauma occurs in a social environment as well as an intra-personal
psychological environment. Healing is difficult with the disappearance of normal
psychological support provided by various forms of extended family relationships,
friends, elders and religious figures. The act of expressing traumatic experiences
takes place in a safe and stable social environment for communalisation and
bereavement. In a period of mourning over losses, sharing emotions contributes
to healing which in turn produces belief in the good intentions of other community
members.
Policies
for reconciliation take such forms as compensation, and restitution in addition
to psychological rehabilitation (van der Merwe and Johnson, 1997). Material
losses of victims have to be compensated. An important goal of restitution is
deterrence against future abuses. Lost honour and respect can be regained by
an official acknowledgement of the pain of victims. Public opportunities to
express grief for the loss and experience of injustice and pain are important
for reconciliation. Psychosocial recovery can proceed by setting up mechanisms
to meet the needs for care of victims. Recognition of the feelings and emotions
of victims can be expressed in ceremonies or rituals in an organisational or
public setting. In the treatment of trauma, communal ceremonies based in indigenous
traditions can help the active search for new meaning. Health care workers familiar
with local religious traditions may help develop the community's own mechanisms
for healing.
Truth
and accountability for past acts need to be revealed to prevent future violations.
The suffering of victims has to be recognised even where punishment is not possible.
If national efforts to confront past abuses are neither credible nor reliable,
international authorities can help evaluate the evidence assembled and prepare
reports. In El Salvador, Guatemala and South Africa, past incidents were reported
to and compiled by the truth commissions. The commissions investigated offences
with interviews of private citizens and members of organisations. Their activities
have led to revelation of the names of the worst perpetrators of violence and
recommendations concerning criminal trials and amnesties. Beyond identifying
human rights violators between 1980 and 1991, the Truth Commission in El Salvador
recommended reform of state institutions to avert future offences.
Truth
commissions set up in many post-conflict societies compile a record of human
rights violations but are not given authority to conduct criminal proceedings
in order to avoid resistance from former abusers. Whereas suggestions concerning
legal, political and administrative measures can be made, truth commissions
do not have enforcement power. Reconciliation is not feasible and may not be
compatible with the continued domination of old forces responsible for past
crimes. After the return to democracy in Chile in 1990, the military remained
as a powerful partner in the government despite its history of widespread human
rights abuses. The military did not accept accountability for past crimes, and
Pinochet was allowed to serve as commander of the army for several years following
his retirement from the president position.
Social Rehabilitation and Empowerment
As
government institutions are inadequate to deal with grievances especially at
a local level, indigenous capacity building is crucial to community survival.
Given that formal procedures such as elections or new institutions are largely
detached from everyday social situations, human development has to be an essential
aim in the promotion of a civil society. The domination of government institutions
does not help build a long-term goal of peace. Strengthening civil society through
empowerment of the local population can help bring about changes in repressive
political and economic structures.
Participation
of grassroots organisations in building their communities would be strengthened
by their ability to maximise both cultural and material resources. Due to the
fact that government institutions in war torn societies are ill equipped to
provide support networks and offer services, existing networks of religious
groups and development associations can be an effective means for overcoming
social problems created by long-term destructive wars. Local capacity building,
along with grassroots mobilisation of resources, can be geared toward supporting
informal networks for the satisfaction of sustainable health, education and
other needs.
Reduction
in political violence at a communal level is critical to social rehabilitation.
Political violence can be best managed at a community level by building bonds
between different identity groups. With the help of cultural and educational
programs at the grassroots level, those who were disempowered by violent conflict
want to move beyond meeting immediate physical survival needs to set up their
future goals. Grassroots capacity building engenders the rehabilitation of dysfunctional
social relations and culture.
The
ability of community groups to build long-standing relationships can be enhanced
by social rehabilitation. Shared involvement and dialogue among group members
support a sense of unity. Communities need to cultivate their ability to respond
to crisis and development needs. Collaborative problem solving can be based
on understanding diverse cultural values. New social norms of accountability
and integrity would be explored to provide guidelines for acceptable standards
of appropriate behaviour and communication between different segments of the
population. Moral recovery of society can be supported by peace education programmes.
Building a local peace structure does not require heavy investment. Excessive
dependence on external aid is detrimental to local capacity building. Community
groups can build joint action networks to advocate human rights values and facilitate
cross-cultural understanding through dialogue and education.
A grassroots
peace building process also has to involve the utilisation of indigenous cultural
institutions and norms in resolving community problems. Traditional customs
and roles are regenerated in reintroducing peace culture and building a harmonious
community structure. Security and subsistence have been provided by clan and
subclan structures in places like stateless Somalia. In the process of resistance,
the communities have developed a strong internal cohesion. Indigenous processes
benefit from long-term communal interactions with self-confidence stemming from
the preservation of the strength of indigenous culture.
Religious
and community leaders, healers, social workers and educators play an important
role in social rehabilitation. Elders' councils and other traditional community
groups represented by cultural figures such as tribal chiefs or elders can be
re-vitalised to hear grievances. Religious, development and professional associations
often contribute to restoring a fragile peace with a wealth of experience in
negotiation with authorities. In many communities, women's groups have been
working to develop peace and civic education (McKay, 1998, p. 358).
Development
Development
has to improve a social reality that is inhospitable to human material well-being.
Post-war economic reconstruction has to be designed to alleviate unjust socio-economic
conditions, the main causes of war. Owing to the problems related to a lack
of human capital and destruction of physical infrastructure, it is a challenging
task to reinitiate economic development halted by violent conflict. It takes
time to rebuild the systems of transport and communication, banking, health
care, education and agriculture damaged or destroyed by fighting. In addition,
inadequate distribution of land and other resources weakens the community's
ability to recover from war wounds. The prospect for early economic recovery
is further hampered by environmental degradation resulting from the conduct
of war and subsequent population movement. In countries that endured long civil
wars, local communities bear the heavy burden of the cost for repopulation and
other economic recovery activities given the national government's indebtedness
stemming from high military spending.
In overcoming
economic problems precluded by violent conflict, major attention may be paid
to a production increase in agriculture, manufacturing and construction along
with the establishment of small enterprises and commerce to be resumed by savings
and credit. Sustainable development projects must be compatible with the protection
of the environment that supports the survival needs of local populations. It
is often the case that due to the low domestic capacity of raising revenue and
high demands for expenditure, the role of foreign donors with financial resources
is critical in economic recovery (Harris, 1999, p. 117).
Economic
growth and patterns of income distribution have to be considered in an integrative
framework of building harmonious relations between different social groups.
The logic for a market economy provides opportunities to pursue self-interest,
but does not create conditions for social harmony. Macroeconomic reforms aimed
at stimulating the economy can generate income gaps with unequal development
across different regions and groups. On the other hand, cutbacks in public spending
and real salaries to reduce budget deficits, undermined peace accords at places
like El Salvador (Väyrynen, 1997, p. 157). The goal of community development
cannot be achieved without equitable distribution of resources to support economic
activities of the poor and marginalised. Given the fact that incentives for
local economic activities are not created by pure liberal economic policies,
investment in human and physical resources should be balanced with financial
and monetary stability.
The
capacity of indigenous organisations to mobilise resources in a local setting
is the key to a grassroots development approach. Uprooted populations need to
be integrated into development programs with assistance in promotion of self-sufficiency
and sustainability. The participation of local populations in rebuilding their
communities reassures regained control over their own lives. Various projects
organised at a community level such as production cooperatives, savings and
loan associations, job training and literary programs operate in an informal
economy.
Economic
programs have to be designed to bring about stability and equity (Boyce, 1997).
Political stabilisation is undermined by both perceived and real imbalances
in income and wealth. Ending a long civil war does not necessarily induce significant
changes in the overall economic structures. In order to reduce deep and expanding
social disparities, an economic system has to be reformed in a way to strengthen
the development potential of different ethnic groups and ultimately to produce
benefit to all the groups.
In promoting
the goal of peace, development programmes have to address the social and economic
ills that are the roots of violence. Long-term economic planning has to consider
such social issues as land distribution. Those who own the coffee plantation
or have monopoly over other means of production can still exercise a dominant
influence on rebuilding the local economy. The resistance of these forces in
El Salvador, for instance, makes it difficult to implement the land distribution
plan included in the Peace Accord that the government and rebel forces signed.
In order to overcome these problems, the process of land transfers can be expedited
by government funds.
Development
cannot be easily disentangled from democracy and security. Relief and other
economic aids need to be redesigned to strengthen participation in production
activities that meet the needs of local communities. Development can have an
impact on the economic livelihood of the poor while enhancing cooperation. Development
projects involving former adversaries contribute to regional economic integration.
Resolving differences in such matters as resource allocation and infrastructure
building requires careful negotiation assisted by international donors. Trust
building emerges from development programmes that benefit all, and can be implemented
in collaboration with former enemies.
There
has been a growing awareness that development can build bridges between different
communities instead of generating contentious competition for resources. Tension
in the Sudan was reduced with the resumption of trade links between southern
and northern areas. Opening up grazing land and setting up collectively owned
enterprises could be carefully oriented toward the promotion of cooperation
between former adversaries. Housing reconstruction projects for returning refugees
and displaced persons may also involve various groups of the local population.
Improvements in living standards through economic cooperation would provide
incentives for efforts to reduce animosity between communities. Long term economic
planning must be concerned with building new functional relationships that discourage
the initiation of a new cycle of violence.
Assessing Third Party Roles
Different
types of intermediary activities can be performed along the continuum from violence
prevention to social reconstruction. Physical protection is provided by peacekeeping
forces, while social situations are monitored by international agencies in the
field of human rights and development. International assistance has supported
social recovery with its focus on development and institution building beyond
the protection of refugees.
To fit
in a post-conflict settlement process, various third-party functions have been
modified. For instance, peacekeeping has been expanded, beyond its traditional
role, to such areas as assisting food distribution, confiscation of weapons
of local militia groups, restoration of basic government infrastructure and
transportation systems. In the event of recurrent violence, the principles of
neutrality and impartiality have to be superceded by humanitarian concerns.
Given the existence of continuing sources of tension, implementing the agreement
needs to be monitored and supervised as well as being assisted by a third party.
The
presence of international observers helps eliminate a climate of mutual distrust
and suspicion. The third party role has not been limited to technical support,
and mediation of political differences has become a critical element. Intermediaries
can change the dynamics of conflict by being engaged in a continued dispute
resolution process. An 'escalating spiral of alleged violations and counter-recriminations'
is likely to happen without third party intervention.
Third
party involvement has been important in preventing violence in several volatile
situations (Walter, 1999). Mediation between warring parties before, during
and after elections has to be provided in response to possible disputes. In
Ethiopia, Western embassies brokered a July 1991 national conference attended
by most political groups in the volatile period following the fall of the military
government in May 1991. In another case, the timely intervention of the international
community mitigated a crisis situation caused by the Mozambique National Resistance
(RENAMO)'s threat, in October 1994, to withdraw from the election after alleging
widespread fraud on the part of the Mozambican government.
The
level of intervention can be, in part, determined by the degree of administrative
capacity of local groups. With the existence of reliable local administrative
structures supported by community groups, the task of rebuilding a physical
infrastructure may simply need outside technical support. In places like Namibia,
however, the UN special representative helped draft election laws and had extensive
review power over the activities of local administrators owing to a lack of
local management experience. In El Salvador, UNDP, FAO, and UNCHR were involved
in social and economic reform beyond humanitarian assistance. When public confidence
in the local administrative authorities is low, more intensive support and involvement
are needed.
Since
the old government was not trusted by its adversaries, governmental functions
in Cambodia were undertaken by the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia's (UNTAC)
civil administration unit until the new government was formed. The UNTAC drafted
the electoral law, and provided an electoral code of conduct as well as regulations
to govern electoral processes. They also registered voters, established civic
education programs, organised and conducted elections, counted votes and persuaded
the parties to accept the outcome.
Division of Roles In general, there is a division of roles between different
agencies in their involvement in crisis management, helping renegotiate a timetables
and providing technical expertise, and financial and material resources for
infrastructure building. Some international agencies are engaged in short-term
emergency relief activities rather than long-term development. The immediate
concerns of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) are the protection
of refugees and assistance for their settlement. As a crisis management (oriented)
agency, its operational focus is on short and medium term aid mostly directed
toward individual refugees. It provides transport, shelter materials, and food
assistance for less than a year, as well as community-based assistance and grants
designed for repair of infrastructure.
UNHCR,
as the lead international agency on refugees, supported rehabilitation efforts
in Cambodia in responding to the return home of more than 365,000 Cambodian
refugees between March 30, 1992 and April 30, 1993. UNHCR also implemented a
Concerted Plan of Action adopted by the 1989 International Conference on Central
American Refugees (CIREFCA). By providing post-return assistance in overwhelming
ad hoc emergency situations, the programs have improved the economic status
of the returnees and their communities.
The
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), in general, offers technical assistance
for long-term and strategic development. It conducts feasibility studies and
establishes planning and implementation procedures while supporting the consolidation
of local programmes and project execution capabilities with community participation.
In meeting these goals, the UNDP has been providing aid for social and economic
reintegration of uprooted peoples since establishing the Development Program
for Refugees, Displaced and Repatriated Persons in Central America (PRODERE)
in 1989. The World Bank has become an important player with its financial and
economic recovery packages. In Bosnia, they have funding programs for agriculture,
water supply, transportation, housing and electricity, and even demining and
demobilisation of ex-combatants. Public work programs are designed for assistance
to small businesses and farmers.
Given
the complex processes of supporting reconstruction, co-ordination is needed
in achieving a defined political goal (Forman and Salomons, 1998). No third
party has all the resources needed for rebuilding war torn societies. The United
Nations, regional organisations, Western donor countries and NGOs have the capacity
to offer technical and financial support. In development assistance, repatriation
of refugees, electoral monitoring and observation, various agencies complement
each other's activities. In preparing the elections in Bosnia and Kosovo, the
OSCE has been in charge of general election coordination, while the UN has taken
responsibility for civilian registration. As they do at many other places, NGOs,
often funded by Western governments, support UN agencies by helping with voter
registration, electoral observation and monitoring.
There
is a continuing voice that stresses that third party intervention has to be
coordinated among various agencies to prevent duplication of investment and
repetition of the same activities. Effective planning and implementation result
from prior coordination of different activities (among multiple actors). The
role of donor countries can be consulted with groups in civil society and local
institutions through joint decision making mechanisms. External assistance ought
to be compatible with the concerns of the intended beneficiaries (instead of
the imposition of the bureaucratic procedures by the donors). The community's
long term needs can be met only by local efforts towards self-sustainability.
Empowerment is most likely to be achieved by projects carried out by aid recipients.
While many donor governments prefer to provide grants to the projects organised
by Western NGOs or international organisations, international communities have
not paid enough attention to the role of community groups in setting up priorities
and goals of development.
Conclusion
More
comprehensive approaches to peace building are needed as issues facing post-conflict
society are diverse and complex (Reychler, 2000). The vast majority of the populations
in failed states such as Somalia face economic devastation coupled with virtual
government anarchy. The existence of polarised political groups, limited legitimacy
of political leaders as well as a lack of consensus on a new political process
further add uncertainties to the process of peace building. In order to create
a sustainable structure for peace, agreements among key military leaders and
politicians have to reflect the needs and interests of community groups and
have to be supported by them.
The
recovery of a fractured community increases its ability to change the dynamics
of the cycle of conflict. Peace building ultimately has to focus on problems
attributed to original and new sources of serious conflict. The reconstruction
of a broken social and human fabric in a war shattered region has to be geared
toward promoting human well-being and social justice, which constitute positive
peace. Social empowerment and trust building improve the chances of successful
reconstruction.
Most
importantly, peace building cannot be merely regarded as a technical task such
as setting up and running government institutions, providing judicial services
and establishing new economic infrastructure. Those engaged in mitigating conflict
or rebuilding a violence torn society need to understand physical, social, emotional
and spiritual aspects of a conflict system. Deep-rooted political structures
and culture cannot be transformed by bureaucratic, administrative approaches.
Political negotiations among warlords have often ignored the human dimensions
of peace building.
A participatory
process will eventually help achieve the long-term goals of sustainable economies
and self-governance. Work at the grassroots level often goes unnoticed, and
merits greater recognition by international agencies. Fundamental needs and
concerns, as defined by local communities, can be the cornerstone of peace building
activities. In conclusion, peace will come with the cultural transformation
of societies enmeshed by cycles of violent conflict and the elimination of a
structure associated with dominant power relations.
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